WHY THE MEMORANDUM OF UNDERSTANDING WAS NOT CHALLENGED AS “NULL AND VOID”?

WHY THE MEMORANDUM OF UNDERSTANDING WAS NOT CHALLENGED AS “NULL AND VOID”?

By: Abdulkadir Mohamed Tahlil

In 2014 Somalia sued Kenya, for maritime border dispute before the International Court of Justice, asking The Hague-based court to determine the “precise geographical co-ordinates” of the maritime boundary in the Indian Ocean between the two neighboring countries, adding that diplomatic negotiations regarding the matter have not resolved the dispute.

In October 2015, Kenya raised objections against the International Court of Justice’s jurisdiction and the admissibility of the application presented by Somalia.

Kenya’s legal team cited the so called “memorandum of understanding” that dates back to April 2009, in which both nations, according to Kenya, “agreed not to take the current case to the ICJ”.

The Memorandum of understanding signed between Somalia and Kenya on 07.04.2007 was considered and examined by the Transitional Federal Parliament of Somalia and the members voted to REJECT the ratification of that MOU on 01.08.2009.
The resolution of the Parliament of Somalia was communicated to the UN Secretary General on March 2010, asking to take note that the MOU was “non-actionable” for Somalia.
The UN noted the Somalia’s position on the MOU,publishing on its website the following note: “By a note verbale dated 2 March 2010, the Permanent Mission of the Somali Republic to the United Nations informed the Secretariat that the MOU had been rejected by the Parliament of the Transitional Federal Government of Somalia, and is to be hence treated as non-actionable”.
Now, Kenya is fighting to remove the case from the Hague Court and argues the MOU is the main legal document to resolve the case.
During the Preliminary Objections hearing on September 19-23 I was expecting that the Somalia legal team will challenge the validity of the MOU and will deny its very existence. Instead, the Somalia legal team passively accepted the MOU as legal and binding document for Somalia by entering in the merits of the MOU as they stated that the absolute intention of the MOU for the two signing parties was  ‘to grant each other no objection in respect of submissions on the Outer Limits of the Continental Shelf beyond 200 Nautical Miles to the Commission on the Limits of Continental Shelf’ (CLCS). An express admission to accept the MOU as binding document for Somalia, though differing in the interpretation of its provisions.

Why the legal team was silent on the Parliament resolution and the rejection of the MOU?

It seems our team conceded very important goal to Kenya: the recognition of the MOU as legal, binding and enforceable document between Somalia and Kenya. That is what they wanted from the beginning.
Even if the MOU is not an international treaty, convention or bilateral agreement, the will of the Transitional Federal Parliament of Somalia superseded the signature of a single minister of a transitional government that was unfit to deal so important issues in a time Somalia was not in position to defend, politically, economically and legally its territorial integrity.

The preliminary objections hearings in Hague were wrapped up today 23rd of  September 2016 and the court will announce the date they will deliver their verdict on whether the court has jurisdiction to deal the matter.

However, there is still chance to file any other relevant information before 3pm (Somalia time) on September 28 2016.

Let us take advantage of this deadline to make CLEAR once for all that the Memorandum of Understanding of 07.04.2009 does not exist for Somalia by virtue of the Transitional Federal Parliament resolution on 01.08.2009.

How To Defend The Transboundary Waters Somalia Shares With Kenya and Ethiopia?

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How To Defend The Transboundary Waters Somalia Shares With Kenya and Ethiopia?

 

By: Mr Abdulkadir Mohamed Tahlil
Monday, April 18, 2016

 

In March 2016, the water flow of the River Shabelle was drastically reduced, drying up, in certain areas, for several weeks. The media and some Government officials pointed the finger to the Ethiopian ongoing and some already finished irrigation and hydropower projects at Shabelle river basin area. This has created a panic to the Somali people who interpreted the unnoticed river water interventions as a threat to their livelihoods by the neighbor countries.

The river water shortage crisis exposed the Somalia’s vulnerability to water scarcity, drought and climate change. It also showed how neglected and unprotected are the trans-boundary surface water resources that Somalia shares with Ethiopia and Kenya. Currently, there are no bilateral or regional cooperation agreements between Somalia, Ethiopia and Kenya regarding the management, use and the protection of the shared water resources. About 90% of the runoff of the Jubba and Shabelle rivers originates from eastern highlands of Ethiopia. Somalia also shares Dawa River, which is a tributary to Jubba River, with Kenya and Ethiopia.

Jubba and Shabeelle rivers are part of 276 trans-boundary rivers and lakes around the world shared by two or more countries. The international customary law developed, throughout the centuries, general norms on the rights and duties of the riparian States, which helped to defuse potential disastrous disputes. However, being the international customary law a non-codified (non-written) and non-enforceable law (though its provision are generally considered mandatory by the sovereign nations and applied as such by the International Court of Justice), the General Assembly of the United Nations, in pursue of its mission to preserve peace and security among nations, felt the need to collect and further enrich the international water law into a written International Treaty, which can be applied to the protection, preservation, management and the uses of related international watercourses.

After long period of discussions, draft agreements and awareness campaigns, the General Assembly of the United Nations brought together 136 countries in New York, and adopted in May 1997 “The Convention on the Law of the Non-Navigational Uses of International Watercourses”, otherwise known as “UN Watercourses Convention”. In that occasion, 106 countries signed the convention, 3 countries voted against it (Turkey, China and Burundi), and 27 countries abstained it (among them Ethiopia and Egypt). In order to enter into force, the Convention needed at least the ratification instrument of 35 countries.  It took 17 years to get the 35 ratifications necessary to enforce the Convention.  At the end the Convention entered into force on 17.04.2014 after Vietnam became the 35th country to ratify the Convention on the Law of the Non-navigational Uses of International Watercourses 1997.

None of the East African countries have ratified the Convention. However, in 1997 Kenya, Djibouti and Sudan signed it; Ethiopia and Tanzania abstained; Uganda and Somalia were absent. Kenya and Tanzania are currently approaching to the process of ratification of the Convention (accession).

The upstream trans-boundary watercourse States seem to be less willing to ratify the Convention, as they think they have nothing to gain from it and they avoid to enter into binding international obligations in the use and management of “their inland water resources”. But, the international customary water law established and consolidated the principle of the limited territorial sovereignty over the utilization of international watercourse. The principle of limited territorial sovereignty demands that all watercourse States have an equal right to the utilization of a shared watercourse and they must respect the sovereignty of other riparian States to the equal rights of use. The obligation “not to cause significant harm” originates from the theory of limited territorial sovereignty, and is considered universally accepted principle as the column for the law of international watercourses and the Convention.

The Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), the regional organization for the Greater Horn of Africa region (Somalia, Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Sudan, South Sudan, Uganda and Kenya) is running a program to promote the adoption of common policy and legal framework for the regional shared water resources, on the footprints of the UN Watercourses Convention. A water policy has been endorsed in January 2015 and efforts to sign the implementing protocol of the policy are ongoing.

Somalia must be part of the UN Watercourses Convention 1997 in order to defend and protect its currently neglected trans-boundary surface water resources. The UN Watercourse Convention engages Parties to cooperate in the utilization and the management of the shared water resources, to possibly achieve the desired benefits in the respect of the international water law substantial provisions (articles 5 and 7 of the Convention, for example) as well as procedural provisions (consultations and notifications of planned measures).

If Somalia and its co-riparians all become Convention Parties, their rights and obligations in the use and management of the shared watercourse will be regulated by the Convention. If Somalia accedes the Convention, while its international watercourse partners have not yet joined the Convention, Somalia will still benefit from being part of the UN Watercourse Convention as it will seek the respect of the substantial international customary water law provisions (equitable and reasonable utilization, no significant harm, human vital needs and environmental protection provisions) as well as demanding the compliance with the procedural rules (for example requesting consultations for potentially harmful planned measures). Being Party of the convention facilitates the access to expertise, best practices, material support from the convention implementing secretariat, State Parties, international organizations promoting the convention and cooperation among watercourse states.

The Convention obliges watercourse states to share and exchange data and information on the watercourse condition in terms of quantity and quality (art.9); the utilization of water in an equitable and reasonable manner (art.5); the obligation “not to cause significant harm” when utilizing the shared watercourse in their territories, taking all appropriate measures to prevent the causing of significant harm to other watercourse states (art.7); in case of conflict between uses of shared watercourse, it shall be resolved with special regard given to the requirements of the vital human needs (art.10); the convention makes mandatory to the watercourse States to exchange information and consult each other and, if necessary, negotiate on the potential effects ( both detrimental or beneficial) of  planned measure on the condition of the international watercourse (art.11); the Convention also makes obligatory to the watercourse States to preliminarily notify to other riparian States the planned measure with “possible adverse effect” (art.12); the notification triggers a process of studies, findings and evaluation procedures that the interested parties communicate and exchange to resolve or mitigate the potential adverse effects (art.11-17); in the absence of notification of planned measures, article 18 of the Convention displays a procedure to follow, where there are reasonable grounds that the planned measures will have possible adverse effects upon the other riparian State; the Convention contains dispute resolution provisions (consultations, mediation, arbitral tribunals and submission of disputes to the International Court of Justice).

Somalia must undertake urgent measures to safeguard its water resources, and to start studies on the condition of its river basins in order to protect its rights. The UN Watercourses Convention offers the legal shield to protect Somalia’s watercourse State rights. Joining the Convention will allow Somalia to be part of the international community engaged in the collaboration and cooperation of the management, reasonable and equitable uses and protection of the shared water resources.

In conclusion, it is very important that the Somali Government and Parliament take seriously the benefits of being part of the UN Watercourses Convention, and submit as soon as possible the instrument of accession to the UN Watercourses Convention.

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Mr Abdulkadir Mohamed Tahlil is former advisor to the Ministry of Energy and Water Resources of the Somali Federal Government.

SIDEE LOO DIFAACI KARAA WEBIYADA SOMALIYA AY LA WADAAGTO ETHIOPIA

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Map-ka Biyo Rogga (River Basin Drainage) ee Webiga Jubba iyo Webiga Shabelle.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

SIDEE LOO DIFAACI KARAA WEBIYADA SOMALIYA LA WADAAGTO ETHIOPIA IYO KENYA?

 Bishii March ee sanadkaan 2016 waxaa yaraaday ama guray biyihii webiga Shabelle. Saxaafadda iyo masuuliyiin dowladda ka tirsan ayaa u sababeeyey masiibadaas faragelin ay webiga ku sameysay Ethiopia.

Arrintaasi waxay walaac ku abuurtay shacabka Soomaaliyeed oo ay u muuqatay in wadamada aan kheyraadka biyaha wadaagno khatar gelin karaan nolosha dadka iyo xoolaha ku nool Somalia.

Waxaa kale oo arrintaasi ay banaanka soo dhigtay sida Somaliya ay ugu dheganugushahay biyo gabaabsiga, abaaraha iyo isbedelka roobabka Somaliya ay hesho. Sidoo kale waxaa soo baxday sida ay u dayac yihiin kheyraadka biyaha ay Somaliya la wadaagto wadamada aan deriska nahay. Ma jiro wax heshiis wadashaqayn iyo iskaashi ah oo ku saabsan maamulka, isticmaalka, daryeelka iyo ilaalinta kheyraadka biyaha soohdimaha ka gudba (transboundary watercourse) oo naga dhexeeya anaga Kenya iyo Ethiopia.

Webiyada Jubba iyo Shabelle waxay ka asalmaan Ethiopia, biyaha ay Somalia keenaan 90% waxay ka soo rogmadaan buuraha bariga Ethiopia. Kenya iyo Ethiopia waxaan la wadaagnaa webiga Dawa ku biira/ku darsama webiga Jubba.

Jubba iyo Shabeelle waxay ka mid yihiin 276 webiyo iyo harooyin caalamka ka jira oo ka dhexeeya ama iskaga goosha 2 waddan iyo wixii ka badan. Xeerka Caalamiga ah ee soo jireenka ah (International Customary Law) ayaa kala xakameyn jirey waddamada haddii la isku qabsado isticmaalka biyaha la wadaago. Laakiin Qaramada Midoobay ayaa u arkay in khatar dagaal iyo iska hor imaad joogta ah ay dhici karto haddii aan la helin Heshiis Caalami ah oo qoran, oo bartilmaame u noqda xeerka guud ee isticmaalka, daryeelka iyo ilaalinta kheyraadka biyaha soohdimaha ka gudba.

Kadib wadahadalo, hindise heshiisyo iyo wacyigelin soo socotay muddo 40 sano ah, waxaa Golaha Guud ee Qaramada Midoobay u suurogashay in 136 waddan ay ku shiriso New York, 1997 si loo saxiixo heshiiska the” United Nations Convention on the Law of the Non-Navigational Uses of International Watercourse”, oo loo soo gaabiyo “UN Watercourses Convention”. 106 ayaa ogolaadey in ay saxiixaan heshiiska, 3 waddan ayaa diiday (Turkey, China iyo Burundi) 27 waddan waa ka aamuseen (Ethiopia iyo Masar ayaa ka mid ah). Heshiisku si uu u dhaqangalo wuxuu u baahnaa in ugu yaraan 35 waddan ay soo ansixiyaan (ratification). 17 sano ayey qaadatey in la helo 35 ratification. Heshiisku wuxuu dhaqangaley 17.04.2014 kadib markii Vietnam ay noqotay waddankii 35aad ee soo ansixiyey heshiiska caalimiga ee biyaha macaan ee soohdimaha jeexa.

Waddamada Africa Bari  ma jiro mid ansixiyey heshiiskaan (ratification), laakiin waxaa saxiixay 1997, Kenya, Djibouti iyo Sudan. Ethiopia iyo Tanzania waa ka amuseen. Uganda iyo Somalia waa ka maqnaayeyyn shirka. Hadda Kenya iyo Tanzania waxay wadaan in ay ku biiraan heshiiska (accession).

Ansixinta iyo dhaqangelinta heshiiska caalamiga waxaa ka warwareegaya qaar ka mid ah waddamada Qulqulka Sare (Upstream countries), maadaama biyuhu dhulkooda ka soo qulqulaan, ayagoo ka soo horjeeda in waddamada Qulqulka Hoose(Downstream countries) ku farageliyaan kheyraadka biyaha la wadaago.

IGAD wax ay waddaa barnaamij ay ugu sameynayso waddamada xubnaha ka ah siyaasad loo dhan yahay oo ku saabsan isticmaalka iyo ilaalinta kheyraadka biyaha la wadaago. January 2015 waxaa Addis Abeba lugu saxiixay Igad Regional Water Policy oo soo xiganaaya mabaadii’da guud ee UN Watercourses Convention. Waxaa la wadaa hadda dhameystirka Protocol-kii lugu dhaqan gelin lahaa policy-ga (Ethiopia ayaa hortaagan habsami u socodka ansixinta protocol-ka, inkastoo aysan si official ah u sheegayn).

Soomaaliya waa in ay ka mid noqoto UN Watercourses Convention 1997 si ay u difaacdo kheyraadkeeda biyaha oo hadda ka dayacan. Xeerka Caalamiga wuxuu Soomaaliya xaq u siinayaa in ay Ethiopia iyo Kenya kula xisaabtanto sida ay u isticmaalayaan biyaha webiyada Jubba iyo Shabeelle. Heshiisku wuxuu ku waajibinayaa wadamada biyaha wadaaga in ay is weydaarsadaan macluumaadka tayada iyo tirada biyaha (art.9); in ay biyaha u isticmaalaan si isu dheelitiran oo maangal ah (art.5 equitable and reasonable utilization and participation); in marka ay isticmaalayaan biyaha dhulkooda mara, ay qaadaan talaabo kasta oo ay kaga hortagi karaan in ay u geystaan khasaaro lixaadle waddanka biyaha la wadaaga (art.7, obligation not to cause significant harm); in haddii ay dhacdo iska hor imaad baahi isticmaal, mar walba muhiimadda la siiyo biyaha aas aasiga u ah nolosha bani adamka, sida baahida biyaha la cabo ama cuntida lugu soo saarto (art.10, relationship between different kind of uses); in ay waajib tahay in la iswaydaarsado akhbaar, wadatashi laga sameeyo, haddii ay muhiim noqotana wadahadal la galo, si loo darso saameynta ay ku yeelan karaan mashaariicda la qorsheynayo in lagu sameeyo kheyraadka biyaha la wadaago (sida biyo xireenada, mashaariicda waraabka, danab abuurka); art.11, information concerning planned measures); in ay waajib tahay in la isku wargeliyo ka hor inta aan la bilaabin hirgelinta mashaariicda sababi kara dhibaato lid ku ah danaha wadanka biyaha lala wadaago, si waddanka kale loo siiyo fursad uu daraasaad ugu sameeyo mashariicda waddanka kale qorsheynaayo in uu ku farageliyo kheyraadka biyaha iyo dhibaatada uga imaan karta haddii mashruucaas la hawlgeliyo (art.12, notification concerned planned measures with possible adverse effects); dariiqa u furan waddankii asaga oo aan wax wadatashi ah lalasameyn webigii la wada lahaa laga fuliyey ama la qorsheeyey mashaariic dhibaato ku ah danihiisa (art.18, procedures in the absence of notification).

Somaliya waxay si degdeg ah ugu baahan tahay in ay xafidato, daraasaad ka sameyso xaaladda kheyraadkeeda biyaha, si ay xuquuqdeeda u difaacato. UN Watercourse wuxuu na siinayaa gaashaankii iyo warankii aan difaac iyo weerar-ba ku geli lahayn. Waxaan ka mid noqoneynaa bulshada Caalamka ee aaminsan ka wadashaqaynta iyo iska kaashiga maamulka, isticmaalka, daryeelka iyo ilaalinta kheyraadka biyaha. Waa in xisaabta lugu daro in dadka Ethiopia ay tiradoodu sii mareyso 90 milyan oo labo jibaarmi doona 20 sano gudahood! Haddii aan hadda la bilaabin sidii biyaha loo difaaci lahaa waxaa imaan doona wakhti ay adag tahay meel wax laga bilaabo.

Ethiopia iyo Somaliya maadaama aysan saxiixin ama ansixin Heshiiska Qaramada Midoobey ee Biyaha Soohdimaha iskaga goosha, maxay macna sameynaysaa in Somaliya heshiiska ku biirto?

  • Marka hore, haddii Somaliya ay xubin ka noqoto UN Watercourse Convention 1997, heshiisyada ay Kenya iyo Ethiopia wadagalaan ee ku saabsan webiga Dawa (sida hadda ay wadaan) wax saameyn ah kuma yeelan doonaan xuquuqdii Somaliya, wax kasta oo ay sameeyaana waxay xadgudub ku noqoneysaa xeerka caalamiga (international customary law), haddii ay dacwo noqoto oo International Court of Justice ama Arbitration kiis-ku tago (waa markii ay fashilmaan wada hadaladii iyo wada xaajoodkii tooska ahaa), Somaliya waxay haysataa caddeyn ah in lagu xadgudbay xeerkii caalamka, waxana waajib ku noqoneysa Ethiopia iyo Kenya in ay dib u saxaaan (magdhow-na ka bixiyaan) khaladka iyo khasaraha ay u geysteen Somaliya biyaheeda.
  • In wadatashiga iyo iswargelintu ay tahay waajib xeerka caalamka u dhigan ah, waxaa ka markhaati ah wargelintii Somaliya ay wargelisay Ethiopia markii uu socday mashruucii biyo xireenka Baardheere 1987. Mashruucaas hay’addii maalgelineysay (World Bank), ayaa Somaliya u sheegtay in ay Ethiopia iyo Kenya wargeliso maadaama ay yihiin wadamada Qulqulka sare (upstream) oo xaq u leh in ay talo ka dhiibtaan mashruucii  saameyn ku yeelan kara baahidooda. Somalia waxay ka codsatay World Bank in ay la xiriirto Ethiopia, maadaama xiriirka labada waddan uusan fiicnayn wakhtigaas. Ethiopia markii ay heshay warqaddii World Bank-iga ee mashruucii Baardheere, waxay ku soo jawaabtey diidmo qayaxan, ayadoo ku andacooneysa in Baardheere Project ay carqalad ku tahay mashaariic ay ayadu horey u qorsheysay oo isticmaali lahaa biyaha webiyada Ethiopia ee Jubba biyaha siiya.  World Bank ayaan ku qancin jawaabta Ethiopia, wuxuuna magacaabay guddi khuburo ah oo seddex qof ka kooban (2 injineer iyo hal sharciyaqaan) si ay daraasaad ugu sameeyaan cabashada Ethiopia. Gudigii khuburadu wuxuu soo saarey warbixin caddeysay in mashruuca Baardheere uusan wax saameyn ah ku lahayn baahida ay Ethiopia sheeganeyso. Kadib, World Bank wuxuu fasaxay lacagtii lagu maalgelin lahaa biyoxireenkii Baardheere. Laakiin casharka halkaas aan ka baraneyno waxaa weeye in Ethiopia ay aqoonsatey in iswargelinta (obligation to notify planned measures) mashariicda la qorsheynaayo in la hirgeliyo, oo isbedel ku sameyn kara tayada iyo tirada biyaha, ay tahay waajib xeer caalami ah.

Waxaa loo baahan yahay Xakuumadda iyo Baarlamaanku in ay dareen Qaran muujiyaan oo ay sida ugu dhakhsaha badan ugu gudbiyaan warqaddii ka mid noqoshada heshiiska UN Watercourses Convention Xafiiska Xoghaya Guud ee Qaramada Midoobey.

 

Dr Abdulkadir Mohamed Tahlil

La taliyhii hore sharciga ee Wasaradda Tamarta iyo Biyaha Jamhuuriyadda Federalka ee Soomaaliya.

 

Annex I: UN Watercourses Convention


UN Watercoureses Convention 

Convention on the Law of the Non-navigational uses of International Watercourses 1997

Procedures Accession Ratification

UN Watercourses Convention Voting Records

Convention on the Law of the Non-navigational uses of international water courses

Annex II

Google Earth Map, Webiga Jubba iyo webiya ku biyo shuba (tributary rivers).

https://www.google.so/maps/@4.1760791,42.0779988,1570m/data=!3m1!1e3

https://www.google.so/maps/@4.286626,42.0414953,1567m/data=!3m1!1e3

https://www.google.so/maps/@4.673739,41.6276663,1540m/data=!3m1!1e3

https://www.google.so/maps/@5.5474436,41.1859058,1515m/data=!3m1!1e3

Google Earth Map, Webiga Shabelle.

https://www.google.so/maps/place/Webi+Shabeelie+River/@4.9577689,45.0060626,3165m/data=!3m1!1e3!4m2!3m1!1s0x3d62115a67297cc1:0x821e8c217a4f4797?hl=en

 

 

Habraaca Kalsooni siinta Dawladda

Habraaca Kalsooni siinta Dawladda

Gudoomiyaha Baarlamaanka Jamhuuriyadda Federaalka Soomaaliya ayaa Axaddii 14 October ka dalbaday madaxweynaha in uu laba maalmood gudahood Baarlamaanka ku horkeeno ra’iisul wasaaraha magacaaban, Cabdi Faarax Shirdoon, si uu kalsooni u weydiisto.

Gudoomiyaha baarlamaanku wuxuu madaxweynaha u bidhaamiyey in ay jiraan baahi iyo xaalado dalku ku sugan yahay oo hiil degdeg ah u baahan.

Waxaan jeclaan lahaa in aan labo arrimood wax ka tilmaamo.

Xiriirka Madaxweynaha iyo Xukuumadda

Dawladaha dimoqraadiga ah (waa kuwa aan kaligi taliska ama dhaxaltooyada ahayn) waxay, guud ahaan, u kala baxaan 3 nooc:

A)    dowlad madaxweyne. Waa dawlad si toos ah dadku usoo doortay. Waxaa tusaale u ah dawladda Mareykanka. Dadweynaha mareykanka ayaa afartiisanaba mar doorta madaxweynaha, asaguna wuxuu si toos ah u soo xushaa wasiiradiisa, oo shaqadooda bilaaba markii ay helaan ansixinta aqalka odoyaasha mareykanka (US Senate). Waa wasiirada kaliya, ma ahan madaxweynaha waxa u baahan ansixinta. Aqalka odayaasha mareykanku wuxuu hubinayaa oo kaliya in wasiirka madaxweynuhu soo magacaabay uu leeyahay akhlaakh wanaagsan iyo wadaninimo. Guud ahaan, dawladda madaxweynaha waxaa shaqadeeda kula xisaabtama shacabka mareykanka oo afartiisanaba santuuqa doorashada ku abaalmariya (dib u doorta) ama ku inqaaba (cayriya) madaxweynaha.

B)    Dawlad isku dhafan (semi presidential government). Waxaa tusaale u ah dawladda Fransiiska. Dadweynaha Fransiisku waxay si toos ah u doortaan madaxweynaha jamuuriyadda Fransiiska. Waxaa jira oo kale ra’iisalwasaare ka yimaada xisbiga ugu kuraas badan barlamaanka dhexe (Assemblee Nationale). Madaxweynaha iyo ra’iisalwasaaraha waxaa ka dhexeeya awooda fulinta (executive power). Siyaasadda arrimaha dibedda iyo gaashaandhiga inta badan madaxweynaha ayaa u gacan badan. Haddii madaxweynaha iyo ra’iisalwasaaruhu ay isku xisbi yihiin si fudud ayey u wada shaqeeyaan maadaama ay isku siyaasad iyo hadaf yihiin. Haddiise ay dhacdo in madaxweynaha iyo ra’iisalwasaaruhu asxaab kala duwan ka yimaadaan, waxaa badan iska hor imaadka iyo wada shaqeyn la’aanta (co-habitation government).

C)    Dawlad baarlamaan. Waa dawladda shacabku si toos ah u doorto xubnaha baarlamaanka. Baarlamaanku wuxuu soo doortaa madaxweynaha jamhuuriyadda (haddii aysan boqortooyo dastuuri ah ahayn sida Spain in Ingiriiska oo kale). Madaxweynuhu wuxuu soo xulaa ra’iisalwasaare, la hubo (la saadaalin karo) in uu baarlamaanka kalsooni ka heli doono. Waa nooca dawladdeed ee talyaaniga lugu yaqaano, Somaliyana loo keenay 1960. Dastuurka talyaaniga ee 1948 iyo kii Somalia ee 1960, waxay labaduba tilmaamayaan habraac (procedure) isku mid ah oo ku saabsan magacaabista, dhaarinta, xil lawareegida iyo kalsooni siinta ra’iisalwasaaraha. Ra’iisalwasaaraha magacaaban, wuxuu durbadiiba ku dhaqaaqaa inuu soo diyaarsado xubnihii golihiisa wasiirada ka mid noqon lahaa. Madaxweynaha ayuu ula tagaa liiska wasiirada. Golaha wasiirada oo dhameystiran ayaa iska xaadiriya madaxtooyada halkaas oo ay ku soo dhaartaan. Dhaarta ka bacdi waxay si toos ah ula wareegayaan xilkii dawladda. Madaxweynaha hawshiisa halkaas ayey ku dhamaatay. Ra’iisalwasaaruhu muddo 30 maalmood gudahood ah (10 maalmood talyaaniga) waa inuu baarlamaanka u weydiiyo dawladdiisa iyo barnaamijkiisa kalsooni.

Dastuurkii 1960, kii Ambagati iyo dastuurka saxiixayaasha 2012 midna kuma cayina awood fulin (executive power) gooni u ah madaxweynaha ama uu la wadaago golaha wasiirada. Madaxweynuhu waa astaanta midnimada Qaranka awoodihiisuna waxay ku xusan yihiin qodobka 90aad ee dastuurka KMG.

 

Habraaca kalsooni siinta Dawladda.

Gudoomiyaha baarlamaanku wuxuu codsaday in ra’iisalwasaaraha macaaban keligiis la horkeeno baarlamaanka si uu kalsooni u weydiisto. Habraaca kalsooni siinta kala horeysa (marka hore wasiirka koowaad, kadibna golaha wasiirada oo dhan) waa arrin ku soo biirtay wakhtigii Ambagathi masraxa siyaasadda Soomaaliya. Waxaa lagu bilaabay Prof Cali Geedi waxayna socotay ilaa magacaabistii Prof Cabdiweli Gas.

Prof. Maxamed Cusmaan Jawaari wuxuu sheegay in aysan dastuurka KMG ku qornayn in si wadajir ah kalsooni loo siiyo wasiirka kowaad iyo xubnaha kale ee golaha wasiirada. Waa run. Laakiin waxaa kale oo run ah in aysan dastuurka ku qornayn in wasiirka kowaad keligiis kalsooni weydiisto.

Dhowr qodob oo dastuurka ka mid ah ayaa si toos ah iyo si dadban uga hadlaya kalsooni dalbashada iyo kalsooni siinta dowladda. Dhamaantood waxaad moodaa in ay tilmaamayaan kalsooni wadajir ah. Waa kuwaan hoos ku qoran ee aan wada akhrino:

Qodobka 69aad. Awoodaha Golaha Shacabka ee Baarlamaanka Federaalka ah

Awoodaha golaha shacabka waxaa ka mid ah: Inuu Ra’iisul Wasaaraha, xubnaha Golaha Wasiirrada iyo barnaamijika xukumadda kalsooni ku siiyo codayn gacan-taag ah ee aqlabiyadda tirada guud ee Golaha Shacabka 50% +1 (faqradda 2aad, xarafka (d);

Qodobka 100aad. Xilka iyo Awoodda Ra’iisul-wasaaraha

Awoodaha ra’iisalwasaaraha waxaa kamid ah: Horgeynta Golaha Shacabka xubnaha Golaha Wasiirrada iyo Barnaamijka Xukuumadiisa si ay u siiyaan kalsooni (faqradda 1, xarafka (c);

Qodobka 104aad. Dhaarta

Raisul-Wasaaraha iyo Golihiisa Wasiirradu markay helaan codka kalsoonida inta aysan xilkooda bilaabin, waxa lagu dhaarinayaa kalfadhi gaar ah ee Golaha Shacabka ee Baarlamaanka Federaalka ah, waxaana dhaarinaya Gudoomiyaha Maxkamadda sare..(faqradda 1aad).

Gudoomiyaha baarlamaanku waa runtiis markuu leeyahay waddanku hiil buu u baahan yahay degdeg ah. Kalsooni wadajir ah, hal mar ah wasiirka koowaad iyo golihiisa wasiirada ha la siiyo, hana loo qabto 30 maalmood oo looga soo bilaabayo maalintii la magacaabay. Kalsoonida labada mar ah wakhtiga ayey sii dheeraynaysaa. Waana macno darro.

Abdulkadir Mohoamed Tahlil

Director of Birmingham Justice and Advocacy Centre

Soomaaliya Trusteeship Luguma Celin Karo

Waxaa maalmahaan aad loo hadal hayaa Shirweynaha 23ka February ka furmi doonaa magaalada London. Warar aan la hubin asalkooda ayaa Soomaalida ku abuuray walaac ay ka qabaan in Shirweynaha London laga soo saaro go’aan burburinaya ama dhaawacaya qaranimada Somalia.
Akhristuhu ha iga raali ahaaado haddii aan hordhac yar oo kooban ka siiyo macnaha Madaxbanaani Qaran (Sovereignity). Sovereignty ama Madaxbanaani waxaa leh xukuumad u madaxbanaan awoodda siyaasadeed ee waddanka ay ka taliso. Waxay u kala baxdaa madaxbanaani daakhili ah (waa in aysan ka jirin waddanka gudihiisa awood siyaasadeed oo ka sareysa ama u dhiganta awooda dawladda Qaranka) iyo madax banaani dibadda ah (waa in Qaranku ka madax banaan yahay, xor ka yahay dawlad ama dawlado kale ama hay’ado kale oo dawli ah). Madaxbanaanidu waxay ka mid tahay seddexda astaamood ee u gaarka Waddan xor ah: Dhul xaddidan, dad dhulkaas si joogta ah ugu nool iyo dawlad amarkeeda ka fulin karta kuna fulin karta dhulkaas iyo dadka ku nool.

Dawladdii militeriga ee burburtay 31/1/1991 ayaa u dambays Dawlad Soomaaliyeed oo xukunkeedu ku fidsan yahay dhulka Jamhuuriyadda Somalia. Wixii ka dambeeyey waxaan markhaati u ahayn wadankii oo kala qaybsamey oo aan nidaam dawli ah lahayn. Waxaa ku xigay in awoodihii dawladda Soomaaliya u gaarka ahaa si tartiibtartiib ah loola wareegay. Hay’adda loo yaqaan International Civil Aviation waxay la wareegtay 1996 maamulka hawada Soomaaliya ayadoo marmarsiiyo ka dhiganaysa badbaadada diyaaradaha iyo rakaabka hawada Soomaaliya isticmaala. Waxaa u dambeeyey go’aankii Golaha Ammaanka ee Qaramada Midoobey (Resolution 1816/2008) ugu fasaxay dawladaha adduunka oo dhan in ay “geli karaan badda Somaliya” ayagoo marmarsiiyo ka dhiganaya ladagaalanka burcad badeedka. Go’aankaas Golaha Amaan-ku wax walwal ah iskama saarin in maraakiibta loo fasaxay in ay soo galaan badda Soomaaliya la “fatasho” marka ay biyaha Soomaaliya galayaan iyo marka ay ka baxayaan si loo xaqiijiyo in ay wadaan wasakhda warshadaha ama kaluun si sharci darro ah looga soo gurtay xeebaha Soomaaliya.

Aan usoo noqdo shirka London. Maxaa ka soo bixi kara oo sii wiiqi kara Qaranimada Somaaliya?
Waxaa la hubaa in Dawladda Ingiriisku ay aad ugu ololeynayso sidii dakhli joogta ah loogu heli lahaa ciidamada Amisom.Wiliam Hague, Wasiirka Arrimaha Dibedda Ingiriiska, oo 8/2/2012 kulan kooban kula yeeshay 40 qof oo Soomaali ah, wuxuu ka akhriyey qudbad uu ugu magac daray “Hawlgal Cusub oo Soomaliya lugu Caawinayo”. Waa qudbad dheer oo ku daabacan website-ka Foreign Office-ka. Wuxuu aad u amaanay ciidamada Uganda oo uu ku tilmaamay in ay yihiin lafdhabarka ciidamada Amisom. Wuxuu ka cawday in ciidamada Africanka-ah oo Somaliya kaga hawlgala fasax ay ka haystaan Golaha Ammaanka ee Qaramada Midoobay, aan loo hayn dakhli rasmi ah oo Golaha Ammaanka miisaniyadiisa soo mara. Marka, waxaa laga sugayaa Shirweynaha in loo sameeyo dakhli joogto ah Afrikaanka raba in ay naftooda saaraan furuntiga, waa siduu hadalka u dhigay Mr Hague. Waxaad la socotaan in Xoghaya Guud ee Qaramada Midoobay codsaday in Amisom la gaarsiiyo ilaa 17.700.
Dawlad ammaankeedu ku xiran yahay ciidamo shisheeye, dawlad madaxbanaan ma aha.

Shirweynaha London waxay dawladda Ingiriisku ku rajoweyntahay in Beesha Caalam-ku gaarto heshiis xoojinaya kawadashaqaynta iyo ka hawlgalka arrimaha Soomaaliya mustaqbalka. Mr Hague, wuxuu carrabaabay xoojinta waxa loo yaqaan International Contact Group on Somalia iyo hogaanka Qaramada Midoobay iyo Midowga Africa ka hayaan Soomaliya.
Waa maxay International Contact Group on Somalia?
Taariikhdu markey ahayd 5 June 2006 waxaa guud ahaan ammaanka magaalada Muqdishu la wareegay ururkii Midawga Maxaakiimta (UIC) kaddib markii ay ka guuleysteen hogaamiye kooxeed-yadii la magic baxay Gaashaanbuurta la dagaalan-ka argagixisada oo Mareykan-ka laga soo maalgeliyey. Isbedelkaasu wuxuu fadeexad lama filaan ah ku noqday maamulkii Bush Jr oo aad uga cagajiidayey in uu taageero dawladdii ku meelgaarka ahayd ee Baydhabo saldhigeedu ahaa. Maalmo kaddib, dawladda Mareykanku waxay go’aansatay in ay Baydhabo taageerto, waxayna iclaamisay in ay isugu yeerayso Gole caalami ah oo kooban oo ay u bixisay International Contact Group on Somalia. Kulankii u horeeyey ee ICG wuxuu dhacay 15/06/2006 waxaana lugu qabtay New York, safaaradda Norway ay ku leedahay Xarunta Qaramada Midoobay. Waxaa ka qaybgalay Mareykanka, Norway, Talyaaniga, Ingiriiska, Tanzania iyo EU. Qaramada Midoobay iyo Midowga Africa waxay uga qaybgaleen goobjoogayaal ahaan (observers). Waayadii dambe waxaa si xubno joogta ahaan ugu soo biiray Kenya iyo Sweden. Canada iyo Yemen oo ah Xubno goobjoogayaal ah ayaa codsaday in ay noqdaan xubin joogta ah. Mareykan-ka ayaa rabay in ay labadaas waddanba soo galaan club-ka laakiin Ingiriiska ayaa diiday in xubno cusub lugu soo daro International Contact Group-ka asagoo sabab uga dhigaya xubnaha ICG oo la balaariyo in ay keeni karto tayo xumo ku timaada hawlgalka golaha ICG.
Maxay qabataa ICG?
Waxay deristaa marxaladaha siyaasadda, nabadgelyada, horumarka iyo bani’aadanimo ee Soomaaliya ku sugantahay, waxay u ololeysaa in dhaqaale loo helo hay’adaha Qaramada Midoobay ee ka hawlgala Somalia (Kenya), waxay u ololeysaa oo hagtaa go’aamada Golaha Ammaanku ka gaaro Soomaaliya (ICG ayaa u tilmaantey UN-ka in ay u fasaxdo AU in ciidamo loo diro Soomaaliya, ICG ayaa u tilmaantay UN-ka in Badda Soomaaliya loo fasaxo maraakiib hubaysan iyo kuwo shacab soo galaan ayadoo aan cidina koontaroolin waxa ay wadaan marka ay soo galayaan ama ka baxayaan biyaha Somaaliya).
Gabagabo
Soomaliya laguma celin karo Trusteeship. Ma jirto cid ka xayuubin karta madax banaanideeda. Cutubka 12-aad ee Xaashida Qaramada midoobay wuxuu qeexayaa waxa loo yaqaan International Trusteeship System. Wuxuu ahaa system la sameeyey wakhtigii dagaalkii koowaad ee adduunka uu dhamaaday. Dhulalkii laga qabsaday Xukuumadihii Jarmalka iyo Turkiga (Cusmaniyiinta) ayaa waxaa la hoosgeeyey (Mandate) hay’adii loo yaqaanay League of Nations oo ay dhaxashay Qaramada Midoobay. Wadamadii Trusteeship-ka ku jiray waxaa ka mid ahaa Lubnaan, Syria (French Mandate) iyo Falastiin (British Mandate) oo burburkii Turkiga ka harey iyo Cameron iyo Tanganika (Tanzania) oo Germalka laga furtay.
Qodobka 77-aad firqaddiisaa 1aad ee Xaashida Qaramada midoobay waxaa ay tilmaaeysaa in International Trusteeship System lugu dhaqikaro:
a) Dhulalka hadda ku jira Mandate-ka (sida kuwa kor ku xusan)
b) Wadamada laga qabsaday waddan cadaw ah intii uuu socday dagaalkii 2aad ee adduunka (sida Soomaliya koofureed oo Talyaaniga uu Ingiriis kala wareegay)
c) Wadan gumeysi ku jira oo dowladda gumeysataa ay u ogolaatey in ay ku dhaqdo ITS.
Qodobka 78aad wuxuu si bayaan ah u sheegayaa in International Trusteeship System-ka aan loo isticmaali Karin Waddan Xubin ka ah Qaramada Midoobay. Soomaaliya waa xubin buuxda oo Qaramada Midoobay ka tirsan, sidaa awgeed ma jirto wax la yiraahda Trusteeship.

Nasiibdarro, waxaan 10-kii sano ee u dambeysay ku jirnay DE FACTO TRUSTEESHIP, kaddib markii Golaha Ammaanku ku dhawaaqay (asagoo isticmaalaya Cutubka 7aad ee Xaashida Qaramada Midoobay) in Soomaaliya ay halis ku tahay nabadgelyada Beesha Caalam-ka, oo la sameeyey UN Political Office for Somalia oo ah maamulka rasmiga ah ee Soomaaliya.

Ciidamada Amisom oo dakhli joogta ah loo helo waxay fududeyn doontaa in waddamo badan oo African ah ku dhiiradaan in ay Soomaaliya ciidamo geeyaan. Taasi waxay fogeynaysaa in ciidamada ammaanka Qaran-ka Soomaaliyeed dib loo dhiso. Dhaqaale ku filan Amisom iyo Ciidan-ka Boolis-ka Somaliya la ma hayo.

La soco maqaalada soo socda oo mawduucan ku saabsan

Abdulkadir M Tahlil